Министерство трампоганды
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puppet_djt
Трудно переоценить масштаб пропагандистских усилий, брошенных на защиту Трампа, в том числе от Рашагейта. Со временем усилия не утихают, а нарастают, а пропаганда консолидируется.
Консервативный сайт RedState позволял себе критиковать Трампа как до, так и после выборов. Больше такого не терпят - сайт был жестко зачищен от критиков.
Like GOP politicians, conservative commentators feel constant pressure to take it easy on Trump. Many pundits I used to respect have become rabid Trump supporters, excoriating federal law enforcement on the flimsiest of evidence, and defending Trump's pals, like the murderous and dictatorial Vladimir Putin. RedState was one of the few places on the internet where a sizable group of us rejected such nonsense. But no more. Of course Salem Media Group has the absolute legal right to fire writers. But this obvious purge sends a chilling message: Vigorous criticism of the president will no longer be tolerated.
http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-frey-redstate-20180427-story.html
Некогда один из самых популярных ведущих на Fox News, а ныне маргинал Гленн Бек тоже позволял себе критику Трампа и даже временно скорешился на этой почве с Самантой Би.
Beck then took Bee to task for adopting “a lot of my catastrophe traits,” insinuating that she, like many of her fellow left-leaning political satirists, has a tendency to overstate the direness of things, turning the volume up to 11 on even the most minor transgressions.
“Do you believe there’s a chance we fall into a dictatorship under Donald Trump?” asked Beck. “Do you believe there’s a chance we lose our freedom of speech and press under this president?”
https://www.thedailybeast.com/samantha-bee-and-glenn-beck-unite-over-trump-its-all-of-us-against-trumpism
Неизвестно, что Бек думает про свободу прессы сейчас, но ныне он перековался, встал на путь исправления, нацепил MAGA кепку и хвалит Трампа за то, что тот безукоризненно исполняет все свои обещания: “He has taken massive steps, massive movement or completed each of those promises … I am blown away."
Но главным локомотивом поезда трампоганды остается Шон Хэннити, который удостаивается бесед с вождем каждый божий день.
Their chats begin casually, with How are yous and What’s going ons. On some days, they speak multiple times, with one calling the other to inform him of the latest developments. White House staff are aware that the calls happen, thanks to the president entering a room and announcing, “I just hung up with Hannity,” or referring to what Hannity said during their conversations, or even ringing Hannity up from his desk in their presence.
https://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2018/05/sean-hannity-donald-trump-late-night-calls.html
Именно к Хэннити, которого он недавно назвал своим третьим клиентом, приходил Майкл Коэн открещиваться от информации в досье Стила. С тех пор Хэннити превратил борьбу с расследованием Рашагейта в смысл своего существования.
Our study, building on our earlier reviews of the program’s coverage of the Trump-Russia saga, found that of the 487 Hannity segments about the Mueller probe:
256 segments -- a whopping 53 percent -- included criticism of the media’s coverage of the Mueller investigation, which Hannity and his guests consider excessively anti-Trump.
191 segments included commentators suggesting that there had been no collusion between Trump or his associates and Russia.
82 segments feature attempts to construct a counternarrative by claiming that the real collusion had been between Russia and Democrats. This is often a reference to the Uranium One pseudoscandal, which was referenced in 38 percent of all segments about the Mueller investigation.
25 segments involved commentators downplaying reporting about Trump and his associates by saying that collusion is not a crime.
81 segments described Mueller’s probe as a “witch hunt,” while 140 included criticism of purported “conflicts of interest” involving members of his team.
67 segments included suggestions that Mueller should resign, recuse himself, be fired, or otherwise end the investigation. 41 suggested that Rod Rosenstein, the deputy attorney general overseeing the probe, should do so.
186 segments -- nearly 38 percent of the total -- claimed top federal law enforcement officials involved in the creation of the probe had broken the law.
218 segments -- 45 percent of the total -- featured Hannity or his guests saying Hillary Clinton had committed crimes.
77 segments included a call for the appointment of a second special counsel to investigate Trump’s political enemies.
https://www.mediamatters.org/blog/2018/05/23/study-sean-hannity-spent-last-year-laying-groundwork-authoritarian-response-russia-probe/220281
Сегодня Трамп в Твиттер оживил свое любимое выражение "Russia hoax". Человек, который не постеснялся написать на основе этого выражения целую книжку ("The Russia Hoax : The Illicit Scheme to Clear Hillary Clinton and Frame Donald Trump") - Грегг Джарретт, самый частый и любимый гость на программе у Хэннити, адвокат по образованию.
Из 487 передач Хэннити про расследование Мюллера, Джарретт участвовал в 121 (каждой четвертой).
Обсуждая, как агенты ФБР пришли с ордером на обыск к Манафорту, Джарретт устроил истерику, утверждая, что ФБР теперь превратилось в КГБ и собирается хватать всех подряд.
GREGG JARRETT, FOX NEWS LEGAL ANALYST: I think we now know that the Mueller investigation is illegitimate and corrupt. And Mueller has been using the FBI as a political weapon. And the FBI has become America's secret police. Secret surveillance, wiretapping, intimidation, harassment and threats. It's like the old KGB that comes for you in the dark of the night banging through your door.
HANNITY: By the way, this is not a game. This is not hyperbole you are using here.
JARRETT: No. Ask Paul Manafort, they came for him and broke through his front door.
HANNITY: And if it can happen to him, Gregg.
JARRETT: It can happen to all of us. Absolutely. The FBI is a shadow government now.
http://www.foxnews.com/transcript/2017/12/06/gop-lawmakers-call-out-double-standards-within-fbi.html
Впрочем, в том, что ФБР может однажды придти к нему с Хэннити, они, может быть, и прав.
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no subject
Date: 2018-05-25 08:11 pm (UTC)The most recent full news conference Trump held was in February 2017, within his first month in office, 462 days ago as of writing. Before the tax bill was passed. Before the health-care overhaul failed. Before special counsel Robert Mueller was appointed or FBI Director James Comey was fired. Before Trump ever tweeted about a “WITCH HUNT” as president.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/politics/wp/2018/05/24/trump-yet-again-seeks-out-the-friendly-confines-of-fox-news-to-answer-questions/
no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 12:34 am (UTC)no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 02:45 am (UTC)no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 02:42 pm (UTC)no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 08:32 am (UTC)As he told the acquaintance, "I had seen enough so that I was not going to run risks with the future of the United States. There are a lot of parliamentary governments that have been overthrown with much less at stake." Sometime in late July of 1974, Schlesinger called in Air Force General George S. Brown, the newly appointed chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Brown was known as an officer who was far more comfortable behind the stick of an airplane than in an office; he never seemed to master high-level politics, with its subtle language and indirection. Bearing that in mind, and aware that Brown had taken an oath of office that made him responsible to Nixon as Commander-in-Chief, Schlesinger trod delicately during their talk. His goal was to express his concerns about the White House and somehow to get Brown to reach the same conclusion that he himself had already reached. In essence, Schlesinger asked Brown for a commitment that neither he nor any of the other chiefs would respond to an order from the White House calling for the use of military force without immediately informing Schlesinger. Brown dutifully relayed Schlesinger's message to the other members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff at a meeting a few hours later. He began the session, one of the joint chiefs recalls, by announcing, "I've just had the strangest conversation with the Secretary of Defense." Schlesinger had urged him not to "do anything to disturb the equilibrium of the Republic, and to make sure we're in accord." He had said, "Don't take any emergency-type action without consulting me." Brown was troubled by Schlesinger's remarks, and so was everyone else at the meeting. "We were confused, and George had to be confused," the chief says. 'We sat around looking at our fingernails; we didn't want to look at each other. It was a complete shock to us. I don't think any of us ever considered taking any action. We didn't know whether to be affronted or flattered at the thought." The chief recalls that one of his colleagues commented that Schlesinger must have been "thinking of something out of Seven Days in May." If there was any consensus, the chief says, it was that "Schlesinger was coming unglued."
Schlesinger was clear, however, about his concerns. He continued to believe that Cushman, with his personal loyalty to Nixon, was a weak link in the new chain of command. He carried his own deliberations further and quietly investigated just which forces would be available to Nixon. He found out how quickly the 82nd Airborne Division could be brought to Washington from its home base at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. The Marines, he learned—Cushman's troops—were by far the strongest presence in the Washington area, with an honor-guard barracks in southeast Washington and a large officer-training facility at Quantico, Virginia, some thirty miles to the south. Schlesinger began to investigate what forces could be assembled at his order as a counterweight to the Marines, if Nixon—in a crisis—chose to subvert the Constitution. Schlesinger's overriding concern, in case a crisis did arise, was the possibility that the armed forces would follow their inherent loyalty to the Commander-in-Chief. One comfort was his firm belief, based on what he had seen in the previous five and a half years, that any such order, if given, would come not directly from Nixon but from Haig. The Joint Chiefs would respond to an order from the secretary of defense, Schlesinger believed, before they would respond to one from Haig. As he explained to the acquaintance, "If an order came from below the Commander-in-Chief level, I could handle it."
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1983/08/the-pardon/305571/
К чести Никсона, эти опасения не оправдались.
no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 09:21 am (UTC)«Этот исторический поворот случился тогда, когда он попытался сокрыть проникновение своих «сантехников» в гостиничный комплекс Уотергейт в 1972 году. Но к выходу его подстегнула также и его собственная внешняя политика. В 1973 году мнение Конгресса и граждан было так настроено против его бесчеловечной бомбардировки Юго-восточной Азии, что Палата представителей и Сенат в конце концов отдали приказ прекратить эти воздушные атаки. Напоминая других президентов, до него и после, которые попадали в политическую трясину внутри страны, Никсон попытался спасти себя различными внешнеполитическими фокусами. Вместо того, чтобы уволить популярного Киссинджера, как он планировал, Никсон назначил его государственным секретарем осенью 1973 года. Затем оба политика слетали в Москву на очередную встречу в верхах, широко освещаемую в прессе. Но все это было уже поздно; Палата представителей уже подготовила статьи для импичмента. Никсон становился все более неустойчивым и неуравновешенным, а так как его палец продолжал находиться на ядерной кнопке, то и более опасным. В августе 1974 года его советники и некоторые республиканские лидеры убедили его уйти в отставку. »
no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 02:46 am (UTC)no subject
Date: 2018-05-26 09:41 pm (UTC)